Anarchy 83/Tenants take over - Revision history

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imported>Ivanhoe at 07:41, 18 September 2016

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← Older revision		Revision as of 20:23, 18 October 2021
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−	<div style="text-align:justify;">{{tab}}The obvious nucleus of a tenants’ co-operative is the tenants’ association. Is there evidence that associations of this kind can bear the weight of continuous organisational responsibility? Several students of this kind of association would doubt it, citing {{w\|Ruth Durant\|Ruth_Glass\|Ruth Glass}}’s famous study of {{qq\|{{popup\|Watling\|Watling: A Survey of Social Life on a New Housing Estate. London: P. S. King (1939).}}}} and other more recent examples where, on the new estate, {{qq\|there is a familiar pattern of initial loneliness followed by unity against the outside world, giving rise to an agitational {{w\|Residents’ Association\|Residents'_association\|Resident{{s\|r}} association}}. This achieves its task and most of the inhabitants settle down to a home-centred but small group-oriented, social life}}.<ref name="thirteen>{{w\|Ronald Frankenberg\|Ronald_Frankenberg}}: ''Communities in Britain'': ''Social Life in Town and Country'' (Penguin Books, 1966).</ref> Others have developed a {{qq\|phase theory}} of the life of tenants’ associations:	+	<div style="text-align:justify;">{{tab}}The obvious nucleus of a tenants’ co-operative is the tenants’ association. Is there evidence that associations of this kind can bear the weight of continuous organisational responsibility? Several students of this kind of association would doubt it, citing {{w\|Ruth Durant\|Ruth_Glass\|Ruth Glass}}’s famous study of {{qq\|{{popup\|Watling\|Watling: A Survey of Social Life on a New Housing Estate. London: P. S. King (1939).}}}} and other more recent examples where, on the {{w\|new estate\|Watling_Estate\|Watling Estate}}, {{qq\|there is a familiar pattern of initial loneliness followed by unity against the outside world, giving rise to an agitational {{w\|Residents’ Association\|Residents'_association\|Resident{{s\|r}} association}}. This achieves its task and most of the inhabitants settle down to a home-centred but small group-oriented, social life}}.<ref name="thirteen>{{w\|Ronald Frankenberg\|Ronald_Frankenberg}}: ''Communities in Britain'': ''Social Life in Town and Country'' (Penguin Books, 1966).</ref> Others have developed a {{qq\|phase theory}} of the life of tenants’ associations:

	<blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}In the first phase, the association played mainly a representative role, negotiating with the local authority for essential services and organising large-scale socials and protest meetings. In the second it became mainly a constructive organisation, fully occupied in building a community centre. In the third phase the centre’s finances were placed on a firm foundation; and in the fourth, popular wishes were discovered through a process of trial and error. In the fifth period, short-run equilibrium was reached: the activities of the centre followed a routine pattern. This was the path of evolution of the most successful centre studied; the others failed to make such rapid adjustments, and lost most of their membership.<ref name="fourteen">{{w\|Norman Dennis\|Norman_Dennis}}: {{qq\|Changes in Function and Leadership Renewal}} ''{{w\|Sociological Review\|The_Sociological_Review\|The Sociological Review}}'' n.s.6, 1958, cited by {{popup\|Morris\|Raymond N. Morris}} and {{w\|Mogey\|John_M._Mogey\|John M. Mogey}}: ''{{popup\|The Sociology of Housing\|The Sociology of Housing: Studies at Berinsfield}}'' (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).</ref></font></blockquote>		<blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}In the first phase, the association played mainly a representative role, negotiating with the local authority for essential services and organising large-scale socials and protest meetings. In the second it became mainly a constructive organisation, fully occupied in building a community centre. In the third phase the centre’s finances were placed on a firm foundation; and in the fourth, popular wishes were discovered through a process of trial and error. In the fifth period, short-run equilibrium was reached: the activities of the centre followed a routine pattern. This was the path of evolution of the most successful centre studied; the others failed to make such rapid adjustments, and lost most of their membership.<ref name="fourteen">{{w\|Norman Dennis\|Norman_Dennis}}: {{qq\|Changes in Function and Leadership Renewal}} ''{{w\|Sociological Review\|The_Sociological_Review\|The Sociological Review}}'' n.s.6, 1958, cited by {{popup\|Morris\|Raymond N. Morris}} and {{w\|Mogey\|John_M._Mogey\|John M. Mogey}}: ''{{popup\|The Sociology of Housing\|The Sociology of Housing: Studies at Berinsfield}}'' (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).</ref></font></blockquote>

@@ Line 147: / Line 147: @@
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}Many council tenants speak with gentle pride of how little they have to do with people living near them.{{e|r}} In some measure it may be a means of self-protection against neighbours not considered up to the social mark. But, more important, it is a defensive assertion against the low social standing of estates: {{qq|Look! We can be as unfriendly as anybody.}} People ape what they assume to be superior ways of behaving; suburban ways, for instance. It is tragic that it should be so and leads to great unhappiness.{{e|r}}</font></blockquote>
-{{tab}}In so far as we may consider the generalisations to be valid, we can see that they arise from the ''social'' situations in which people find them&shy;selves. The walls or fences which in a number of notorious instances have been built to separate privately-owned from council-owned sections of the same estate are an extreme manifestation of ordinary English snobbery, but they make it devastatingly clear to the more vulnerable kind of municipal tenant that in the eyes of millions of his fellow-countrymen he is a second-class citizen. The way in which his relation&shy;ship with his landlord intensifies this feeling has been made clear by Stanley Alderson:<ref name="twentyfour">{{popup|Stanley Alderson|(born 1927)}}: ''Britain in the Sixties'': ''Housing'' (Peguin Books, 1962).</ref>
+{{tab}}In so far as we may consider the generalisations to be valid, we can see that they arise from the ''social'' situations in which people find them&shy;selves. The walls or fences which in a number of notorious instances have been built to separate privately-owned from council-owned sections of the same estate are an extreme manifestation of ordinary English snobbery, but they make it devastatingly clear to the more vulnerable kind of municipal tenant that in the eyes of millions of his fellow-countrymen he is a second-class citizen. The way in which his relation&shy;ship with his landlord intensifies this feeling has been made clear by Stanley Alderson:<ref name="twentyfour">{{popup|Stanley Alderson|(born 1927)}}: ''Britain in the Sixties'': ''Housing'' (Penguin Books, 1962).</ref>
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}{{e|l}}the usual balance of power between landlord and tenant is everywhere upset by the condition of housing shortage. But the problems{{p|10}} are much more acute in council tenancy. It is not only that the council tenant is even less free to move than the private tenant. The private tenant can at least hate his landlord for taking advantage of the conditions of shortage for his own financial gain. The council tenant knows that he is fortunate in having his house, and feels that he has been done a favour. The local authority which is his landlord never does anything for its own financial gain. It always acts in its wisdom for its tenants&rsquo; own advantage. In the long run, power employed paternalistically provokes far greater resent&shy;ment than power employed selfishly or even antagonistically. Because there is no satisfactory outlet for it, the resentment accumulates.{{e|r}}</font></blockquote>

@@ Line 46: / Line 46: @@
 |}
-The figures differ according to whether a dwelling or a household is being counted and according to the definitions used, and they are also different for various parts of Britain. For example, the figures for England only in 1964, counting households, were<ref name="four"f>{{popup|D. V. Donnison|David Vernon Donnison, political scientist (born 1926)}}: ''The Government of Housing'' (Penguin Books, 1967).</ref>
+The figures differ according to whether a dwelling or a household is being counted and according to the definitions used, and they are also different for various parts of Britain. For example, the figures for England only in 1964, counting households, were<ref name="four">{{popup|D. V. Donnison|David Vernon Donnison, political scientist (born 1926)}}: ''The Government of Housing'' (Penguin Books, 1967).</ref>
 {| width="500"

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:36, 12 March 2021
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	<div style="text-align:justify;" id="19"><font size="2">{{sc\|references and sources}}</font>		<div style="text-align:justify;" id="19"><font size="2">{{sc\|references and sources}}</font>

−	<font size="2"><references></font></div><!-- References in the original are not necessarily numbered in their order of appearance in the text, perhaps because sections were reordered after they were typeset. The original numbers are named in the reference tags, e.g. <ref name="twentyone"> irrespective of how they are numbered in the wiki. --></div>	+	<font size="2"><references /></font></div><!-- References in the original are not necessarily numbered in their order of appearance in the text, perhaps because sections were reordered after they were typeset. The original numbers are named in the reference tags, e.g. <ref name="twentyone"> irrespective of how they are numbered in the wiki. --></div>

@@ Line 123: / Line 123: @@
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}The visitor to housing estates on the Continent comments most often on the attractiveness of their layout, the care with which common land is cultivated, and the harmony of external decoration. The claim of the co-operative association is that it combines the sense of ownership and the security of tenure of the owner-occupied house with an equally strong sense of responsibility for, and interest in, the neighbourhood as a whole. Moreover it does this as a by-product of its normal organisation; in Britain in new estates we have attempted to achieve the same result by all kinds of artificial stimuli to neighbourhood responsibility.</font></blockquote>
-{{tab}}The sense of responsibility comes from ''being'' responsible, and people can only ''be'' responsible for their own lives and their own environment if they are in control of it. Similarly Professor Donnison declares:<ref name="twentyone">D. V. Donnison: {{qq|Housing Policy&mdash;What of the Future}}, ''Housing'', Vol. 23, No. 3, December 1961.</ref>
+The sense of responsibility comes from ''being'' responsible, and people can only ''be'' responsible for their own lives and their own environment if they are in control of it. Similarly Professor Donnison declares:<ref name="twentyone">D. V. Donnison: {{qq|Housing Policy&mdash;What of the Future}}, ''Housing'', Vol. 23, No. 3, December 1961.</ref>
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}&hellip; we need a system that will provide adequate housing of various types with complete security of tenure. Down payments should be negligible but subsequent payments may well be higher than council rents. The occupier should be given responsibility and incentives for maintaining and improving his own house, but should be insured against the costs of major repairs. Some body responsible to the occupiers themselves should retain a continuing interest in the character and development of the immediate neighbourhood and might provide open space and other shared amenities for its residents. In fact a way must be found to continue the advantages of owner-occupation and tenancy, both in new housing and in existing property.</font></blockquote>
@@ Line 147: / Line 147: @@
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}Many council tenants speak with gentle pride of how little they have to do with people living near them. &hellip; In some measure it may be a means of self-protection against neighbours not considered up to the social mark. But, more important, it is a defensive assertion against the low social standing of estates: {{qq|Look! We can be as unfriendly as anybody.}} People ape what they assume to be superior ways of behaving; suburban ways, for instance. It is tragic that it should be so and leads to great unhappiness. &hellip;</font></blockquote>
-{{tab}}In so far as we may consider the generalisations to be valid, we can see that they arise from the ''social'' situations in which people find themselves. The walls or fences which in a number of notorious instances have been built to separate privately-owned from council-owned sections of the same estate are an extreme manifestation of ordinary English snobbery, but they make it devastatingly clear to the more vulnerable kind of municipal tenant that in they eyes of millions of his fellow-countrymen he is a second-class citizen. The way in which his relationship with his landlord intensifies this feeling has been made clear by Stanley Alderson:<ref name="twentyfour">{{popup|Stanley Alderson|(born 1927)}}: ''Britain in the Sixties'': ''Housing'' (Peguin Books, 1962).</ref>
+{{tab}}In so far as we may consider the generalisations to be valid, we can see that they arise from the ''social'' situations in which people find themselves. The walls or fences which in a number of notorious instances have been built to separate privately-owned from council-owned sections of the same estate are an extreme manifestation of ordinary English snobbery, but they make it devastatingly clear to the more vulnerable kind of municipal tenant that in the eyes of millions of his fellow-countrymen he is a second-class citizen. The way in which his relationship with his landlord intensifies this feeling has been made clear by Stanley Alderson:<ref name="twentyfour">{{popup|Stanley Alderson|(born 1927)}}: ''Britain in the Sixties'': ''Housing'' (Peguin Books, 1962).</ref>
 <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}&hellip; the usual balance of power between landlord and tenant is everywhere upset by the condition of housing shortage. But the problems{{p|10}} are much more acute in council tenancy. It is not only that the council tenant is even less free to move than the private tenant. The private tenant can at least hate his landlord for taking advantage of the conditions of shortage for his own financial gain. The council tenant knows that he is fortunate in having his house, and feels that he has been done a favour. The local authority which is his landlord never does anything for its own financial gain. It always acts in its wisdom for its tenants&rsquo; own advantage. In the long run, power employed paternalistically provokes far greater resentment than power employed selfishly or even antagonistically. Because there is no satisfactory outlet for it, the resentment accumulates. &hellip;</font></blockquote>
@@ Line 161: / Line 161: @@
-<div style="text-align:justify;">{{tab}}The obvious nucleus of a tenants&rsquo; co-operative is the tenants&rsquo; association. Is there evidence that associations of this kind can bear the weight of continuous organisational responsibility? Several students of this kind of association would doubt it, citing {{w|Ruth Durant|Ruth Glass}}&rsquo;s famous study of {{qq|{{popup|Watling|Watling: A Survey of Social Life on a New Housing Estate. London: P. S. King (1939).}}}} and other more recent examples where, on the new estate, {{qq|there is a familiar pattern of initial loneliness followed by unity against the outside world, giving rise to an agitational {{w|Residents&rsquo; Association|Residents'_association}}. This achieves its task and most of the inhabitants settle down to a home-centred but small group-oriented, social life}}.<ref name="thirteen>{{w|Ronald Frankenberg|Ronald_Frankenberg}}: ''Communities in Britain'': ''Social Life in Town and Country'' (Penguin Books, 1966).</ref> Others have developed a {{qq|phase theory}} of the life of tenants&rsquo; associations:
+<div style="text-align:justify;">{{tab}}The obvious nucleus of a tenants&rsquo; co-operative is the tenants&rsquo; association. Is there evidence that associations of this kind can bear the weight of continuous organisational responsibility? Several students of this kind of association would doubt it, citing {{w|Ruth Durant|Ruth_Glass}}&rsquo;s famous study of {{qq|{{popup|Watling|Watling: A Survey of Social Life on a New Housing Estate. London: P. S. King (1939).}}}} and other more recent examples where, on the new estate, {{qq|there is a familiar pattern of initial loneliness followed by unity against the outside world, giving rise to an agitational {{w|Residents&rsquo; Association|Residents'_association}}. This achieves its task and most of the inhabitants settle down to a home-centred but small group-oriented, social life}}.<ref name="thirteen>{{w|Ronald Frankenberg|Ronald_Frankenberg}}: ''Communities in Britain'': ''Social Life in Town and Country'' (Penguin Books, 1966).</ref> Others have developed a {{qq|phase theory}} of the life of tenants&rsquo; associations:
-<blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}In the first phase, the association played mainly a representative role, negotiating with the local authority for essential services and organising large-scale socials and protest meetings. In the second it became mainly a constructive organisation, fully occupied in building a community centre. In the third phase the centre&rsquo;s finances were placed on a firm foundation; and in the fourth, popular wishes were discovered through a process of trial and error. In the fifth period, short-run equilibrium was reached: the activities of the centre followed a routine pattern. This was the path of evolution of the most successful centre studies; the others failed to make such rapid adjustments, and lost most of their membership.<ref name="fourteen">{{w|Norman Dennis|Norman_Dennis}}: {{qq|Changes in Function and Leadership Renewal}} ''{{w|Sociological Review|The_Sociological_Review}}'' n.s.6, 1958, cited by {{popup|Morris|Raymond N. Morris}} and {{w|Mogey|John_M._Mogey}}: ''{{popup|The Sociology of Housing|The Sociology of Housing: Studies at Berinsfield}}'' (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).</ref></font></blockquote>
+<blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}In the first phase, the association played mainly a representative role, negotiating with the local authority for essential services and organising large-scale socials and protest meetings. In the second it became mainly a constructive organisation, fully occupied in building a community centre. In the third phase the centre&rsquo;s finances were placed on a firm foundation; and in the fourth, popular wishes were discovered through a process of trial and error. In the fifth period, short-run equilibrium was reached: the activities of the centre followed a routine pattern. This was the path of evolution of the most successful centre studied; the others failed to make such rapid adjustments, and lost most of their membership.<ref name="fourteen">{{w|Norman Dennis|Norman_Dennis}}: {{qq|Changes in Function and Leadership Renewal}} ''{{w|Sociological Review|The_Sociological_Review}}'' n.s.6, 1958, cited by {{popup|Morris|Raymond N. Morris}} and {{w|Mogey|John_M._Mogey}}: ''{{popup|The Sociology of Housing|The Sociology of Housing: Studies at Berinsfield}}'' (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).</ref></font></blockquote>
 {{p|11}}{{tab}}John Hayes, on the other hand, emphasises that it cannot be said that tenants&rsquo; associations are merely {{qq|transitory bodies formed for one objective only and then fading away}}. On the contrary, {{qq|Once established they tend to last, and to concentrate on welfare work for their neighbourhood. Of fifty-eight groups affiliated to the London Standing Conference of Housing Estate Community Groups in 1962, one had been in existence for forty-six years, twenty have existed for fourteen years, eighteen for from five to ten years, sixteen for from one to five years, and three were new in 1962. Evidence of this sort should help to disprove the contention that the groups lack stability}}.<ref name="fifteen">John Hayes: {{qq|Tenants&rsquo; Associations}}, ''{{w|Society of Housing Managers|Chartered_Institute_of_Housing}} Quarterly Journal'', Vol. V, No. 11, July 1963.</ref> Similarly, [[Author:Gerry Williams|Gerry Williams]], youth adviser to the London group of associations, writing of {{qq|the quite spontaneous development, after the Second World War, on the growing number of council housing estates, of Tenants&rsquo; Associations}}, emphasises that, {{qq|Contrary to the general opinion, the great number of these autonomous, self-formed organisations are not {{q|grievance}} bodies, but non-political associations formed for the purpose of creating some sense of community and neighbourliness amongst the uprooted in the often drab new areas of houses and flats that are such a characteristic part of post-war Britain}}.<ref name="sixteen">[[Author:Gerry Williams|Gerry Williams]]: {{qq|[[Anarchy 30/Teen Canteen: End or Beginning?|Teen Canteen: End or Beginning]]}} ([[Anarchy 30|{{sc|anarchy}} 30]], Vol. 3, No. 8, August 1963).</ref>